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Sex offenders and victims • 19 <br />*Routine Activities and Crime <br />In 1979, Cohen and Felson presented a theory that took a different view of criminal <br />behavior. Instead of only examining the activities of offenders or victims, Cohen <br />and Felson proposed that criminal behavior is a union of criminal, victim, time, <br />and place. This became known as routine activities theory. <br />The focus of routine activities theory is the natural activity patterns of people. <br />Cohen and Felson (1979, p.593) define routine activities as “any recurrent and <br />prevalent activities which provide for basic population and individual needs.” They <br />argue that criminal activities follow patterns similar to those of “everyday suste- <br />nance activities,” meaning that criminals go about their lives in the same kinds of <br />movement and behavior patterns as those who go to work, school, shop, and <br />undertake hobbies. It is when the “routine activities” of a criminal overlap the <br />“routine activities” of a victim that the potential for a criminal violation occurs. <br />According to Cohen and Felson, routine activities bring people together in both <br />criminal and non-criminal behaviors. “Hence the timing of work, schooling, and <br />leisure may be of central importance for explaining crime rates” (Cohen & Felson, <br />p.591). It is this convergence of victims and offenders in time and place that is <br />central to routine activities theory, and to the research at hand. <br />Cohen and Felson (1979) propose that their theory is most applicable to <br />“direct-contact predatory violations,” that is, when an offender has direct physi- <br />cal contact with a victim. They believe that routine activity patterns are affected <br />by three elements: motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the absence of ca- <br />pable guardians against a violation. A change in any one of these could increase <br />or decrease the crime rate. While it has been popularly held that an increase in the <br />number of offenders could increase the crime rate regardless of the number of vic- <br />tims, it may also be true that an increase in the number of suitable targets in an area <br />could increase the crime rate, even without an increase in the number of offenders. <br />In a follow-up study published in 1987, Felson extended the original theory <br />by focusing on urban characteristics, including locations that attract both poten- <br />tial offenders and victims. In this research, Felson proposes that criminals often <br />position themselves to naturally come into contact with potential victims: <br />“Just as lions look for deer near their watering hole, criminal offenders dis- <br />proportionably find victims in certain settings . . ..” (1987, p. 914). He goes on <br />to suggest that certain areas of the city bring offenders and targets together so <br />effectively that they almost draw the people to the area, they make it easy for <br />offenders to find suitable victims, and they create areas of the city that are very <br />high crime risk areas. <br />Public facilities such as parks and schools were among the areas mentioned. As <br />such, routine activities theory was expanded to show that not only do offenders and