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Duwe et al. / RESIDENTIAL PROXIMITY & SEX OFFENSE RECIDIVISM 501 <br />Residency restriction laws would likely offer, at best, a marginal impact on the incidence <br />of sexual recidivism. Together with emerging research suggesting that sex offender regis- <br />tration and notification processes have a negligible effect on recidivism (Walker, Madden, <br />Vasquez, VanHouten, & Ervin-McLarty, 2006), this finding casts doubt on the efficacy of <br />such policies. This is not to say that housing restrictions would never prevent a sex offender <br />from reoffending sexually. Based on the results presented here, however, the chances that <br />it would have a deterrent effect are slim. Indeed, during the past 16 years, not one sex <br />offender released from a MCF has been reincarcerated for a sex offense in which he made <br />contact with a juvenile victim at or near a school, park, or daycare center close to his home. <br />In short, it is unlikely that residency restrictions would have a deterrent effect because the <br />types of offenses that such laws are designed to prevent are exceptionally rare and, in the case <br />of Minnesota, virtually nonexistent in the past 16 years. <br />It is still possible, however, that a housing restrictions law could have an impact because <br />laws sometimes have unintended consequences. It is debatable, though, whether the impact <br />would be a positive one. In 2002, Iowa passed a residency restrictions law prohibiting sex <br />offenders from living within 2,000 feet of a child congregation location. Although there are <br />no hard data on the impact of the law, anecdotal evidence suggests that residency restric- <br />tions may limit offender employment prospects, reduce suitable housing opportunities, and <br />threaten the reliability of the sex offender registry by causing more offenders to become <br />homeless, change residences without notifying the authorities, or register false addresses. <br />Moreover, the forced removal of offenders from established residences may have an <br />adverse impact on family members, causing children to be pulled out of school and away <br />from friends and resulting in the loss of jobs and community connections for spouses (Iowa <br />County Attorneys Association, 2006). Recognizing the harmful impact that residency <br />restrictions can have on others besides the offender, the American Correctional Association <br />(2007) has passed a resolution calling for legislatures to examine and consider the negative <br />consequences that these laws create. By making it more difficult for sex offenders to <br />successfully re-enter society, housing restrictions might promote conditions that militate <br />against the goal of reducing the extent to which they recidivate sexually. <br />APPENDIX <br />Coding of Variables <br />Offender race: Dichotomized as White (1) or minority (0). <br />Age at release: The age of the offender in years at the time of release based on the date of <br />birth and release date. <br />Metro-area: A rough proxy of urban and rural Minnesota, this variable measures an <br />offender’s county of commitment, dichotomizing it into either metro-area (1) or greater <br />Minnesota (0). The seven metro-area counties include Anoka, Carver, Dakota, Hennepin, <br />Ramsey, Scott, and Washington. The remaining 80 counties were coded as non-metro <br />area or greater Minnesota counties. <br />Multiple prior felony convictions: Offenders who had more than one prior felony conviction <br />(including the instant offense) were assigned a value of 1, whereas those without multiple <br />prior felony convictions were assigned a value of 0. <br />(continued) <br /> at University of British Columbia Library on April 27, 2010 http://cjb.sagepub.comDownloaded from