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2003). In addition, a higher concentration of registered sex offenders residing in a neigh-
<br />borhood has been shown to have no statistical relationship with the number of sex offenses
<br />in a community (Stengel et al., in press), and sex offenders who recidivate are no more likely
<br />than nonrecidivating sex offenders to live near schools or day care centers (Colorado
<br />Department of Public Safety, 2004).
<br />A slightly different conclusion, however, is reached by the one study to assess where sex
<br />offenders known to have offended against child victims reside (Tewksbury & Mustaine, in
<br />press–a). Child-victimizing sex offenders tend to live in less socially disorganized neigh-
<br />borhoods than do other sex offenders. Research has shown that such offenders, when com-
<br />pared with communities in general, tend to live in neighborhoods with greater proportions
<br />of youth in the population, more minority residents, more residents with high school and
<br />college educations, more female-headed households, and higher household incomes and
<br />housing values.
<br />Scholars generally believe that the residential locations of registered sex offenders are
<br />caused by a process of social and economic relegation, facilitated by low levels of social
<br />cohesion and social capital in communities where known sex offenders do reside. Such com-
<br />munity conditions leave these community members with few (if any) resources to discourage
<br />sex offenders from moving into such communities. Most known sex offenders do change
<br />residences, often frequently (Mustaine et al., 2006b; Turley & Hutzel, 2001). When they
<br />move, they typically go to a more socially disorganized neighborhood than where they lived
<br />previously (Mustaine et al., 2006b). Overall, economic factors, not proximity to pools of
<br />available, potential victims are what appear to drive where registered sex offenders reside
<br />(Tewksbury & Lees, 2006; Tewksbury & Mustaine, in press–b).
<br />THE IMPACT OF REGISTRATION AND RESIDENCY RESTRICTIONS ON OFFENDERS
<br />Other research has examined the impact of registration on offenders themselves, includ-
<br />ing a focus on where registrants can, and do, live. As Mustaine et al. (2006a) point out, sex
<br />offenders are frequently relegated to neighborhoods and communities marked by social dis-
<br />organization and economic deprivation. Furthermore, residency restrictions often force
<br />offenders to move from their residences. Levenson and Cotter (2005) surveyed 135 sex
<br />offenders in Florida who were subject to residency restrictions that prohibited them from
<br />living within 1,000 feet of a school, daycare center, park, playground, or other place where
<br />children regularly congregate. Levenson and Cotter found that 50% of the 135 offenders, of
<br />whom 97% were child molesters, reported being forced to move on account of the 1,000-foot
<br />rule. In addition, the results indicated that the housing restrictions also led to increased isola-
<br />tion, decreased stability, and greater emotional and financial stress.
<br />In addition, in jurisdictions with residency restriction laws, registered sex offenders may
<br />have extremely limited options regarding where they may legally live (Tewksbury, 2007;
<br />Zandbergen & Hart, 2006). Using mapping technology, Zandbergen and Hart (2006) found
<br />that less than one quarter of all housing in Orange County, Florida is not within a restricted
<br />zone. If school bus stops were added to the list of locations included within a restriction
<br />zone, only 4% of all housing in the county would be available to registered sex offenders.
<br />When residential restriction laws are in place, there are numerous accompanying negative
<br />consequences and an intensification of collateral consequences of sex offender registration
<br />in general (Tewksbury, 2007).
<br />486 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
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