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LITERATURE REVIEW
<br />SEX OFFENDER RECIDIVISM
<br />Prior research has clearly indicated that sex offenders are, compared to other offenders,
<br />among the least likely to reoffend (Harris & Hanson, 2004; Langan & Levin, 2002; Sample
<br />& Bray, 2006). Moreover, when sex offenders recidivate, they are much more likely to do
<br />so with a nonsexual offense. Examining recidivism among 9,691 sex offenders released
<br />from prison in 1994, Langan, Schmitt, and DuRose (2003) found that only 12% of the rear-
<br />rests in the 3-year postrelease period involved a sex offense. However, despite the fact that
<br />sex offenders are among the least likely to recidivate in general, they are still, compared to
<br />other offenders, more likely to reoffend sexually (Langan & Levin, 2002).
<br />When sex offenders recidivate with a sex offense, at least 75% victimize individuals
<br />(both adults and children) whom they already know (Greenfield, 1997; Snyder, 2000). A
<br />number of factors influence recidivism, and the same factors are not equally influential on
<br />all varieties of sex offenders (Levenson & D’Amora, 2007). Existing research has demon-
<br />strated, for example, that the risk of sexual recidivism is significantly greater for offenders
<br />who have an antisocial orientation (i.e., history of rule violation), deviant sexual interests,
<br />a history of victimizing strangers, conflicts in intimate relationships, an emotional identifi-
<br />cation with children, and prior noncontact sex offenses (Hanson & Morton-Bourgon,
<br />2004). Conversely, the risk of sexual recidivism is less for incest offenders, first-time sex
<br />offenders, those older than the age of 50, and those who target female children rather than
<br />male children (Harris & Hanson, 2004). Consequently, such research has led to the conclu-
<br />sion that “not all sex offenders should be treated the same” (Harris & Hanson, 2004, p. 1).
<br />However, when considering sex offender registration and accompanying residency restric-
<br />tions, all are treated the same.
<br />RESIDENCY AND OFFENSE CHARACTERISTICS OF SEX OFFENDERS
<br />Recent research has shown that sex offenders—at least those who have been previously
<br />identified, convicted, and placed on sex offender registries—are likely to live in certain
<br />types of locations. Specifically, registered sex offenders are especially likely to live in
<br />neighborhoods that have high levels of social disorganization, greater proportions of youth,
<br />and lower proportions of high school and college graduates, more minorities, fewer owner-
<br />occupied homes, and lower housing values and household incomes (Mustaine, Tewksbury, &
<br />Stengel, 2006a, 2006b, in press); these factors are especially salient for African American
<br />sex offenders. Most also live in single family homes but do not live in neighborhoods with
<br />a posted neighborhood watch (Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2006).
<br />Other research, (Stengel, Tewksbury, & Mustaine, in press) has shown that sex offenses
<br />are not associated with most measures of proximity to pools of available suitable targets of
<br />victims. Although sex offenses are more likely in census tracts with larger proportions of
<br />children younger than age 10 and more daycare centers, the presence of schools, youth with
<br />disabilities, and women living alone is not associated with a greater number of sex offenses
<br />(Stengel et al., in press). Although Walker et al. (2001) reported that registered sex offenders
<br />in one Arkansas county may be likely to live near schools, daycare centers, and parks, other
<br />research has suggested that sex offenders are highly unlikely to reoffend close to their homes
<br />(Colorado Department of Public Safety, 2004; Minnesota Department of Corrections,
<br />Duwe et al. / RESIDENTIAL PROXIMITY & SEX OFFENSE RECIDIVISM 485
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