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22 • Justice Research and Policy <br />school or within a distance of 1,000 feet of a public, parochial, or private school.” <br />In the third analysis, Spatial Analyst, a tool that measures the physical dis- <br />tance between objects and how densely they are concentrated, was used to examine <br />the relationship between each of the target types and where the offenders lived. <br />*Study Limitations <br />As with any research, this study has certain limitations. The primary limitation is <br />the assumption that child sex offenders are choosing to live within close proxim- <br />ity to potential targets. The premise going into this research was that if there was <br />a predominance of child sex offenders living close to potential victims, at least <br />part of the reason was to take advantage of these potential targets. This initial <br />premise was supported by our findings, but as with any research, rejection of the <br />null hypothesis (that there is no relationship between where child sex offenders <br />live and the geographic location of potential targets) does not imply absolute <br />acceptance of the research hypothesis (that sex offenders choose to reside in close <br />proximity to potential targets). Alternative hypotheses are also possible. For ex- <br />ample, as discussed below, sex offenders could be residing in these areas because <br />of a social or political inability to exclude undesirable residents from living there; <br />or sex offenders may choose to live in these areas because they are more afford- <br />able. It may be more accurate to say, then, that there is a relationship between <br />where child sex offenders live and the geographical location of potential targets <br />irrespective of choice. Since most people do make choices about where they live, <br />however, it is also plausible (and is supported by the co-location of child sex <br />offenders and targets in this research) that sex offenders are choosing to live in <br />close proximity to potential victims. <br />A second and related limitation of the study is that it does not make com- <br />parisons with residents in these areas who had not been convicted of a sex of- <br />fense. As one reviewer suggested, information should have been collected on the <br />relative similarity of age, race, and income between sex offenders and other resi- <br />dents. While this kind of information would have been helpful, we do not believe <br />that it substantially changes the conclusions herein. First of all, this kind of infor- <br />mation was not available for the sex offenders in this research (and neither was <br />information we desired, such as whether the offender had children or not). Addi- <br />tionally, this information is not particularly accurate for the general population. <br />The 2000 Census was not out at the time of this research, and we believed that <br />1990 Census data were probably inaccurate given the changes in the characteris- <br />tics of neighborhoods. Finally, we argue that it makes little difference to <br />policymakers whether sex offenders are overrepresented on mean income in an