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16 • Justice Research and Policy Although rapists have drawn the attention of the criminal justice system for many years, the activities of other types of sex offenders were brought to the forefront of public attention in the 1990s, spurred by several high-profile kidnappings, molestations, and murders of children. Legislation such as Megan’s Law and the Jacob Wetterling Act propelled sex offenders into the public spotlight by requir- ing that they register with the state and that the public be notified of their exist- ence and often their whereabouts. Relatively little research, however, has focused on sex offenders themselves, and most research that has been conducted has used very small samples or has remained relatively obscured in the tables and graphs of state crime publications. This study attempts to overcome some of those limitations. We examined the population of sex offenders who had children as victims in one metropolitan county in Arkansas to see where offenders live in relation to parks, schools, and day cares. Our argument is that child sex offenders are largely incorrigible and they may attempt to live in areas with a high concentration of children. We use routine activities theory to explain our results, and conclude that this theory is capable of explaining this type of crime and may be beneficial to policymakers in controlling sex offenses against children. *Sex Offenders and Victims In June 2000, Christopher Reardon was arrested for sexually abusing young boys. Interest in the case increased when it was learned that Reardon used his job as a youth minister and YMCA swim coach to befriend the boys before he mo- lested them. Reardon ultimately pled guilty to 120 counts of sexual abuse of a child. This case is only one example of the many sexual abuse cases in which adults use their physical or geographic relationship to gain access to young children. The National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect (1996, p. 8) reports that the number of cases of sexually abused children increased from about 119,200 in 1986 to 217,000 in 1993, an 83% increase. Hillman and Solek-Tefft (1988, p.1) estimate that at least 25% of all Americans were sexually abused as children. Even though many children are sexually abused each year, little research has focused on offenders who target children (Crewdson, 1988, p. 115). Sexual abuse has been defined in a variety of ways. McGrath (1991, p. 341), for example, describes it as an act that takes advantage of a “weaker, more vul- nerable person.” He suggests that offenders often choose victims who are unable to fight back, such as children and those who suffer from a mental illness or mental retardation. Colton and Vanstone (1996, p. 2) define child sexual abuse as the “carrying out of sexual acts by adults with children below the age of